In an interview last year, he also placed the border in the context of the Good Friday agreement. Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar has informed the Irish parliament that the UK and Ireland must respect the Good Friday agreement and respect their commitment not to have a hard border. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and some Conservative MPs supporting Brexit say the issue of a hard border should not emerge, as they believe it can be overcome by a series of administrative and technical measures. BBC elections 2017: “Real fact check: where are the parties on the Irish border?” Information on NI trade and the views of the NI contracting parties at the border. Sky News publishes the story (27 Feb 18) about Boris Johnson`s (Foreign Minister)`s leak in which he contemplates the return of a hard border: “Even if a hard border were reintroduced, we would expect 95% of goods to cross the border [without] controls.” (Added 28 Feb 18). Historically, there have never been customs checkpoints on the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. Many of those who live in cities along the border say they would not be profitable because residents are currently crossing the border to go to school, do their shopping and do their daily activities without realizing that they have crossed the border. 20 All this shows some important features of the current Irish border conundrum. First, it is not just an economic and commercial problem, but a highly political and constitutional one. A purely economic and technical solution to the economic dimension of the problem is, by its very nature, irrelevant. The second conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that the current problem at the Irish border is not a new issue, which would only be a consequence of the June 2016 Brexit referendum. Although the decision taken by a majority of voters in the United Kingdom destabilizes the current regime of the soft Irish border on the island of Ireland, the main causes of the difficulties encountered with the Irish border lie in the weaknesses of the GFA itself.
If there is a problem today with the Irish border, it is mainly because the GFA has not provided real and long-term political solutions to the historic dispute over the very status of the Irish division limit set between 1920 and 1925. The Brexit referendum itself is a sign that the Irish and British states have not yet defined the precise and agreed constitutional conditions of their common sovereignty over Northern Ireland. If so, the decision to hold the 2016 referendum, confirmed by the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, shows that, in accordance with the British Constitution, the London Executive rightly regarded Northern Ireland as an integral part of British territory and not as an area of common sovereignty with Dublin. Despite the GFA, the British Constitution remains a strictly unionist constitution.